The inside story of how the teals won Australia's six richest electorates
- Written by Amy Nethery, Senior Lecturer in Politics and Policy Studies, Deakin University
For many voters despairing about the gridlock and lack of integrity in Australian politics in recent years, the success of the teal independents in the May 2022 federal election was an exhilarating moment. They won six formerly safe Liberal seats, returned four independents - Zali Steggall in Warringah, Helen Haines in Indi, Rebekah Sharkie in Mayo, and Andrew Wilkie in Clark - and sent David Pocock to the Senate.
The Victorian election last weekend was the first test[1] of whether the teals would have the same appeal in the states. Targeting Liberal electorates in a Labor-held state, three candidates ran a close second: Sophie Torney in Kew, Melissa Lowe in Hawthorn, and Kate Lardner in Mornington.
This near miss in Victoria can be attributed to a tight cap on funding, the absence of high-profile candidates, and the fact the Andrews Labor government, which was returned, was a different antagonist than Scott Morrison’s Coalition government[2]. Teals planning to run in the New South Wales election in March 2023 will have been watching closely.
Melissa Lowe was one of three teal candidates who ran in the Victorian federal election.The extraordinary success of the teals and other community independents at a federal level has been captured in three new books: The Teal Revolution[3], by Margot Saville; Independents Day[4], by Brook Turner; and The Big Teal[5], by Simon Holmes à Court.
The three books provide an account of the teals’ campaigns in this historic election. As well as being compelling reads, their rich descriptions of the campaigns provide a blueprint for change that will inspire others to action. Australian politics might just be changed forever.
Review: The Teal Revolution – Margot Saville (Hardie Grant); Independents Day – Brock Turner (Allen & Unwin); The Big Teal – Simon Holmes à Court (Monash University Publishing)
It’s the community, stupid
The “teals”, Holmes à Court explains, was a term that emerged in the media in the weeks leading up to the election, because the phrase “community independent” was too unwieldy. Fair enough, but the shorthand gives a false impression of homogeneity, and downplays the fact that each candidate arose from separate grassroots community groups, all fed up with politics as usual.
Saville and Turner provide detailed accounts of how each community group grew organically into extraordinarily successful campaigns, responding to local and universal concerns. Many of these campaigns began from the shared frustration of two or three well-connected, well-resourced neighbours utterly fed up with politics as usual. Many took the name “Voices of[6]”, building on the model devised by Cathy McGowan in Indi[7] in 2013. “Kitchen table” conversations were held in electorates around the country, awakening an enthusiasm for political engagement that had previously been suppressed by two-party dominance. McGowan and Zali Steggall were the templates for the audacious vision, but just as important were the suite of independents who, over the past decade, have been able to exert their influence in parliament: Kerryn Phelps, Tony Windsor, Andrew Wilkie, Rebekah Sharkie and others. The Grattan Institute report, Gridlock[8], on the policy impacts of two-party dominance, was another important impetus for action. The idea driving these community campaigns was not that independents could make a difference, but that they were the only way to make a difference. Read more: The big teal steal: independent candidates rock the Liberal vote[9] Enter the candidates Mostly, the candidates themselves did not drive their grassroots campaigns, but were actually selected by them. I was surprised how intentional this selection was. In 2018, for example, a marketing company inspired by the “Vote Tony Out[10]” group in Warringah came up with a list of characteristics for a successful candidate in that electorate. Turner reports that she needed to be female, with a name as memorable as Tony Abbott’s; an athlete, preferably who has represented Australia at an international level; and articulate, intelligent, respected within the community, and to have lived locally for a long time. Into that frame walked Zali Steggall[11]. Zali Steggall matched a marketing company’s list of characteristics that identified what a successful Warringah candidate would look like. Bianca De Marchi/AAP In 2021, several community groups conducted similar data-driven scouting exercises, but most candidates stepped forward after prompting by friends or networks. The mixed levels of enthusiasm revealed a lot about each candidate’s character. Kylea Tink, for example, was first off the block in North Sydney, putting herself forward before “Voices of North Sydney” had taken off. Zoe Daniel’s friend Angela Pippos put Daniel’s name forward to the “Voices for Goldstein” group. Monique Ryan answered a full-page ad in The Age. Allegra Spender, the youngest of the cohort – with three young children, and perhaps the best insight into the demands of parliamentary life – took the most convincing. They have not risen through the ranks of party politics, yet as highly accomplished women, they bring to parliament a full suite of skills and experience from their careers. As independents without the balance of power, there is a hard ceiling to what they can achieve personally. They can be loudspeakers for their communities and shape the policy agenda, especially on climate, gender equity and political integrity, for which they have a mandate. Alongside the Greens, they strengthen the progressive end of the policy debate and provide a counterbalance to the hard right of the Coalition. Yet, they cannot aim to be a minister or hold real decision-making power. Still, their influence is likely to have an impact in two main ways: by changing the tone of parliament, and by proving a model for reinvigorating Australians’ engagement in politics. Read more: The teal independents want to hold government to account. That starts with high-quality information[12] A grassroots campaign, or revolution of the wealthy? The prominent role of Simon Holmes à Court[13] and his organisation Climate 200 associates these community candidates with great wealth. He is, after all, the son of Australia’s first billionaire (although, as he quips in The Big Teal, this media tagline ignores the great influence of his mother, the extraordinary Janet Holmes à Court). Clearly, the early and substantial investment from Climate 200[14], a donor network, helped raise the dough for 22 community campaigns around Australia, and it is quite possible that the teals wouldn’t have succeeded without it. His high profile, and willingness to take the stage to speak about the movement, is controversial among many in the movement. Holmes à Court is not the only rich person in this story – in fact, Turner and Saville’s books read at times like roll-calls of wealthy, well-connected people. The cast of actors include chief executives, bankers, barristers, marketing experts, IT specialists, chief financial officers, engineers and medical specialists.